How Video Films Developed in NigeriaBy Nosa Owens-Ibie
Published: November 15, 2006
Print Changes in human society reflect the dynamism of culture. This dynamism is responsible for constant shifts in patterns associated with given cultures, and the multicultural character of most, if not all, societies substantially widens the scope for influence on such cultures.
Definitions of culture are wide in scope. Arulogun, (1979: 31) citing Ekpo Eyo, settled for a vast, partly human, material and spiritual apparatus 'by which societies are organised into permanent and recognisable groups.'
Over the years, the medium of film has come to be closely associated with the culture industry. In Nigeria, such a role for the film industry is still evolving although certain factors are altering the profile of what could be regarded as the country's culture, while the film industry itself is undergoing a crucial transition.
However, the immense potential of film was recognised even during colonial times. The Federal Information apparatus early acknowledged film as the most effective medium for internal and external publicity and by 1923, cinema entertainment had become immensely popular in Lagos (Mgbejume, 1989: 48, 53). In exploring the interface between culture and film and by extension, video films, this article hopes to establish patterns which will provide a clearer basis for understanding a development which strongly impacts on the future of the society.
Early structures
The very origins of the film business in Nigeria signposted the shape of its future. The first film screenings in Nigeria took place at Glover Memorial Hall, Lagos, on ten consecutive nights from 12 August 1903. Significantly, but hardly surprisingly, a Nigerian - Herbert Macaulay - managed its affairs, and Messrs Balboa of Spain screened the film.
Thereafter, films were either foreign or promoted by foreigners active in the growth of the local film industry. In 1939 W. Sellers started up the Colonial Film Unit (CFU) as an agent of development designed to lift standards in areas like health, education, agriculture and industry among the local population (Mgbejume, 1989: 39, 42). This focus of the CFU explained the kind of films it produced: among its documentaries were those on Good Business, Better Housing, Mixed Farming and Fight Tuberculosis. They were basically educational and fitted the general policy direction of the colonial administration.
By 1947, the CFU had ceased to exist and the government established the Federal Film Unit (FFU) but the basic direction of the CFU was maintained. Film continued to gain in popularity and government utilized it extensively for publicity purposes. In 1979 the FFU metamorphosed into the Nigerian Film Corporation (NFC).
Film and culture
Film is a powerful tool for the transmission of cultural values. In an analysis of how film could further the cause of cultural identity, Arulogun (1979: 26-29) identified four main areas.
As a propaganda tool, film remains a vehicle employed by governments and others interested in the art of subtle diplomacy. Because of its popularity as an entertainment medium, it easily becomes a means of relaying and reinforcing information meant to promote a certain reality.
Film also plays the role of stereotyper, helping to shape perspectives on a people's culture. The impressions which viewers develop about a people and their cultural values are greatly influenced by film portrayals.
As an educational medium, film covers issues in the school curricula or things about their country of origin which tell viewers about different countries and peoples.
Film also plays a role in promoting commerce. Where this character of film has developed, it is a major source of foreign exchange.
These qualities indicate the real and potential contributions of film to the culture industry. As Opubor and Nwuneli (1979: 13) have noted, film exposes Nigerians and outsiders to 'the diverse (and) rich cultural heritage' of the country.
In this regard, some locally made films are known to fit this overtly cultural agenda. While Amadi - a 1975 product of Ola Balogun - demonstrated the beauty of the Igbo Language, Ajani Ogun also by Ola Balogun demonstrated the richness of the Yoruba language and Sheu Umar by Adamu Halilu, that of the Hausa language.
This trend in cultural projection is probably best exemplified by the role of Hollywood and the export of American popular culture with active government backing (Wagnleitner, 1994: 1990). It is known that the frontiers conquered by American culture, courtesy of its film industry, have long extended beyond Europe to cover the different continents of the globe.
An example of how this works is provided by Nigeria. Before a handful of indigenous film makers in the late 1970s took up the challenge to fill the void in local participation in the film business, the market was dominated by films from China, Hong Kong and Japan, England and America, and India (Adesanya, 1984: BI). The Anglo-American films offered a variety which included cowboy, horror, war and adventure films, among others.
Competition between these films was stiff and the success and continuing popularity of Indian romance and Kung Fu films with segments of the Nigerian audience, could be traced to the gains of this period. However, the Anglo-American films marketers, apart from having the advantage of the English language, regularly screened their films free of charge, using mobile cinema units in different parts of the country. Marketers of Chinese and Indian films somehow restricted their activities to movie theatres in the towns.
The stage was therefore set for the relative advantage Anglo-American films (especially the latter) still continue to enjoy. Further cultivation and utilization of television through movie slots also secured a strategic market for these American films. However, the potential of film was for a long time constrained by its level of development which is still low in Nigeria. The only key reality shared by film and other media is their orientation which betrays foreign cultural influences although local actors are becoming more involved in ownership and production.
Economic considerations
In a way, economics is at the root of film development. When the Indigenization Decree was promulgated in 1972, ostensibly to allow Nigerians effectively to take over the film industry, that goal was hampered by the ill-preparedness of Nigerians to take up the challenge.
Since most of the films screened in the country were imported from various sources, the only areas that could have been controlled by Nigerians were the distribution and exhibition of films. These were however, firmly in the hands of Indians and Lebanese who managed to hold on to ownership of movei theatres and the distribution of films. To date, it is doubtful whether Nigerians control more than a tenth of these crucial arms of the film business.
Apart from losing out in film distribution and exhibition, film production has been a financial nightmare for many producers . According to Adeiza:
Ossie Davies Kongi's Harvest was a flop, so was Chief Francis Oladele's Bullfrog in the Sun, which basked so much in the sun that it refused to croak at the box office. The late Chief Ogunde, who left the theatre for film in 1980, with his debut Aiye, did not smile to the bank, despite the success and popularity of the film... The story of Chief Eddie Ugbomah, Dr. Ola Balogun, Adeyemi Afoayan (aka Ade Love), Moses Olaiya (Baba Sala)... is not different, for in most cases they were never able to recoup what they spent in making their films from the box office. Many like Moses Olaiya, did not only go bankrupt, but also became debtors... (1995: 6).
The list of producers who failed to get returns on their investment is long and includes younger producers. Saddik Balewa who produced Kasarmu Ce (It is our Land) is an exception because the federal government headed by retired Gen. Ibrahim Babangida wrote off the expenditure on the film during its launch.
Recounting his experience, the late Adeyemi Afolayan (1995: 10) explained how he took a bank loan to finance his film Destiny. At that time, a dollar exchanged for N10. On the very day he got the loan, the dollar appreciated and exchanged for N19. He had to borrow further to repay the loan. His popularity in the theatre from where he switched to film also helped. From such goodwill he once got N200,000 the highest he ever got from any sponsor.
Afolabi Adesanya, a younger generation film maker is another example of a producer who was financed and paid back his loan. Vigilante - the debut of A-Productions of which he is a prime mover, was financed by H. K. Aderibigbe and R. N. Aggrey. Marketing was made possible with financing from KMG and Afribank (Nigeria). Ose Sango their second production was jointly financed by Wema Bank and Rims Merchant Bank to the tune of N815,000. Ose Sango was released in 1990 (Adesanya, 1995: 13). What helped both film makers was their understanding of the logic of popular culture and commercial appeal.
One implication of the financial failure of many other films, despite their popularity and general qualities, was close attention to economics rather than strict cultural considerations in subsequent productions. Another was that some producers, having to cope with the distress that the failure of such privately financed projects brought, opted out of an activity in which they had demonstrated so much potential.
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